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FAC News -
Tuesday, March 5, 2002 8:10 AM
THE
ROYAL COMMISSION OF INQUIRY INTO ANWAR’S BEATING
Unanswered
questions over the police bashing of Malaysia's
Anwar Ibrahim
By Peter
Symonds
6 March 1999
The official
public inquiry (Royal Commission of Inquiry) being conducted in
Malaysia into the bashing of former deputy prime minister Anwar
Ibrahim in police custody last September has finally revealed who
carried out the attack, but at the same time has left the most essential
questions unanswered.
Last Sunday,
former Inspector General of Police Abdul Rahim Noor admitted for
the first time that he had personally assaulted Anwar on September
20, the night of Anwar's arrest. Rahim repeatedly hit Anwar on the
head, neck and arm so hard that bruising and a black eye were still
evident nine days later when he appeared in court.
Rahim claimed
through his lawyer that he "lost his cool" when Anwar
provocatively called him the "father of all dogs". But
Anwar was blindfolded and handcuffed at the time and hardly in a
position to recognise who was in the room,
let alone to direct insults at a particular individual. According
to other senior police officers, Rahim had ordered Anwar to be bound
before he entered the room and hit him.
Even the lead
investigator was forced to conclude in his report on Thursday that
Rahim had assaulted "a defenceless
person" without provocation. The inquiry, which only has the
power to make recommendations, not to prosecute, is yet to bring
down its findings.
In his testimony,
Rahim claimed that he had not hit Anwar on the orders of the Malaysian
Prime Minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad. But
his comments beg the question: what exactly was the role of the prime minister in the arrest of his main political rival?
Just three weeks prior to the physical attack, on September 2, Mahathir
had sacked his deputy and finance minister after bitter disagreements
over the implementation of currency and capital controls.
At the time
of Anwar's detention, Mahathir was the home minister and therefore
had overall responsibility for the police. It is inconceivable that
Mahathir did not discuss in detail the decision to make such a politically
sensitive arrest with his head of police, particularly as the operation
was to be carried out amid the largest anti-government protests
seen in Malaysia
in years.
On September
20, speaking before a crowd of at least 40,000 in central Kuala
Lumpur, Anwar had for the first time called for Mahathir's resignation.
That evening, heavily-armed police broke into Anwar's home while
he was speaking with journalists and supporters.
Mahathir and
his government have been desperately trying to cover-up the circumstances
of the arrest ever since. Four days after Anwar's detention, Rahim
falsely told the media that Anwar was "safe and sound".
After Anwar's first court appearance, Mahathir dismissed questions
about police brutality, saying the injuries could have been self-inflicted
to gain public sympathy.
An internal
inquiry dragged on until the end of the year, and the government
refused to release the report for weeks. On January 5, Attorney-General
Mohtar Abdullah finally admitted that
the police were responsible for Anwar's injuries, adding
that none of the police involved could be identified. Two days later,
Rahim assumed responsibility for the police actions and tendered
his resignation. Under considerable public pressure and facing dissension
within the ruling coalition, the government was forced to announce
a further public investigation.
Rahim's
testimony before the public inquiry last Tuesday provided an insight
into the social and political tensions mounting in Malaysia
last September. The ex-police chief had clearly been shocked at
the size of the movement behind Anwar and was acutely aware of the
social unrest in neighbouring Indonesia, where Suharto
had been forced to resign just months before.
"We were
practically caught with our pants down," Rahim told the panel.
"A storm was brewing. The crowds were getting bigger after
late-afternoon players. Just before evening prayers, crowds from
the national mosque started spilling over into Merdeka Square. Anwar was making
fiery speeches. From there, the crowd of 40,000 to 60,000 moved
their activities to PWTC [a building next to UMNO headquarters].
Uppermost in our minds was to prevent the riots in Jakarta
from spilling over here at any cost."
Rahim explained
that he had met with three other senior officers on the afternoon
of September 20. "We felt a shortage of manpower to handle
the situation and asked whether we should seek the assistance of
the army to avoid bloodshed which occurred in Jakarta..
We also discussed whether to impose a curfew that night or the following
day." Not only did the police chief draft a letter to the army,
but he sought police reinforcements from the states of Selangor
and Malacca, as well as riot police from Penang
and Johor and paramilitary units.
The Mahathir
government was terrified of the eruption of widespread anti-government
protests. Anwar himself held the same fears and had only belatedly
and reluctantly begun to appeal for popular support. To detain Anwar
under such turbulent circumstances was clearly a political decision
with broad ramifications and had to have been taken at the highest
levels.
The basis of
the arrest further confirms its political character. Anwar was detained
under the country's notorious Internal Security Act, which provides
for indefinite detention without trial for breaches of national
security. Only later was Anwar charged with sexual misconduct and
corruption, and the lurid details of the allegations splashed throughout
Malaysia's
government-run media.
The public
inquiry into the assault on Anwar has done little more than identify
a convenient fall guy. Far broader issues are raised for the working
class about the authoritarian character of capitalist rule in Malaysia
and the lack of the most basic democratic rights. After all, if
the former deputy prime minister can be treated in such a fashion,
then the same police measures--or worse--can be meted out to anyone.
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