Dec 8, 2000
WORLDVIEW
Harun Rashid
In Malaysia the Conference of Rulers
consists of the various Sultans, who, having chosen their parents well,
serve for life. In rotation they serve as King, with a term of five years.
The Sultans are a permanent institution in Malaysia, going back over five
hundred years.
It is this permanence that highlights
their position of power in the affairs of the country.
The Constitution of Malaysia, though
somewhat tattered, torn and tangled at the hands of a gelded parliament
of midget miscreants put in place by a party past its prime, still manages
to recognize the primacy of the Conference of Rulers.
The Sultan resident in the national
palace as King, is given by the Constitution a range of powers, and he
exercises these in consultation with his fellow Sultans, who, though busy
with the affairs of their fief, meet regularly to tend to matters of national
need.
The number of appointments made by
the Conference of Rulers, with the King acting as their spokesman, is large,
giving them extraordinary influence in the selection of federal officers.
They have just made the appointment of a new Chief Justice, and now are
in the process of selecting a new Attorney-General.
Shadows of shame
The office of Attorney-General carries
with it broad powers, with complete discretion in regard to prosecution
of those who fail to obey the established laws of the land. Poorly chosen,
he may also be an instrument of political oppression, acting to misuse
the law to further the interests of the temporary government in power.
Such abuse has generated widespread
attention in Malaysia, and it is to the redress of these failings that
the Conference of Rulers now addresses itself.
The present Attorney-General may be
deficient in the important ability to properly distinguish between the
rights of the citizens and the perpetuity and prosperity of patrons in
positions of political power.
These failings are considered by many
to be sufficiently egregious to warrant his removal for cause, but happily
his term ends with the year, and the ignominious sandiwara may soon settle
into the shadows of sadness and shame.
The Constitution, in its recognition
of the permanence of the Sultans, calls for consultation among themselves
in the selection of new office-holders. There is provision for advice from
the present prime minister, who is not permanent in his office.
State of emergency
In furtherance of this, and in an effort
to protect past and present peccadilloes from prosecution in perpetuity,
he wishes to put forward the names of those he finds most supple in applying
their talents to these ends.
The framers of the Malaysian Constitution
seem to have anticipated such usurpation of powers, writing again and again,
in various re-phrasings, the intent to vest the appointive power in the
present Sultan-in-residence as King, who is the representative of the Conference
of Rulers.
Their appointee serves at their behest,
and his continuing performance is at their pleasure. It rests therefore,
for the Rulers to exercise a constant watchfulness over the performance
of their appointees. It is to them the people look for redress of malfeasance
in office.
The King is given by the Constitution
the responsibility to oversee the general welfare of the nation, and if
the rights and freedoms of the people are abridged or threatened from any
quarter, then it is the King, acting in accord with the Conference of Rulers,
who is empowered to put things right.
Should circumstances warrant, the King
may declare a state of emergency, and during the time of its effect, bring
the country back to order. This power acts to check, not bolster, the designs
of persons in temporary residence in the prime minister's chair.
Hidden liabilities
The King is given the duty to choose
the members of the Elections Commission, who must be appointed with "regard
to the importance of securing an Elections Commission which enjoys public
confidence."
In accord with Article 114 (1) "The
Elections Commission shall be appointed by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong (King)
after consultation with the Conference of Rulers, and shall consist of
a Chairman, a deputy chairman and three other members."
There is no mention of any advice from
the prime minister.
The King is given discretion in the
selection of members of the Education Service Commission in 141A (2) "
... but after considering the advice of the Prime Minister and after consultation
with the Conference of Rulers ...".
The phrase "after considering the advice
of the Prime Minister" appears a number of times in the Constitution, and
it is clear that the King is not constrained by failure of the Prime Minister
to provide the names of appointees deemed sufficiently endowed with the
necessary character and preparation to perform the duties of the office.
This is especially true when there
is a history of continuing gratitude as a requirement for preferment. The
King in making appointments must be alert to the possibility that appointees
have hidden liabilities which may prevent them from acting independently
in the public interest.
Independent selection
In the selection of the Attorney-General,
the Constitution states [145(5)] that the new appointee "shall hold office
during the pleasure of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong ... unless he is a member
of the Cabinet, shall receive such remuneration as the Yang di-Pertuan
Agong may determine."
The right to dismiss an Attorney-General
is implicit in this clause, and therefore the appointment of an unsatisfactory
candidate would but result in a short tenure.
The "advice of the Prime Minister"
is therefore given practical limitation to those presenting acceptable
qualifications, and none being put forward, the King is free to make an
independent selection, the consultation with the other Sultans not being
mentioned.
In this case, the absence of the consultative
clause suggests the possibility of an oversight, and if so, one readily
rectified.
All matters affecting the rights of
the Rulers must be brought by a Special Court (182), one which includes
the Chief Justice, and must have the consent of the Attorney-General (183).
Since the Rulers are subject to malicious
prosecution as well as the ordinary citizen, they have a personal interest
in the protection of the judiciary against harm from this quarter.
Wild animals
A strong argument may be made that
since the Attorney-General now serving is doing so at the pleasure of the
King, the continuing charade in the courts calls for intervention, with
the convention of a Royal Commission of Inquiry to prevent further deterioration
of the national fabric.
The Conference of Rulers, according
to the present prime minister, is capable of nothing beyond birthday honours.
The Constitution disagrees.
Along with the appointive power the
King and the Conference of Rulers are vested with powers of oversight in
the administration of the affairs of state.
Theirs is not all pillow and pomp,
but the very regal duty of watchfulness, that poisonous snakes and feral
pigs do not roam freely in the corridors of power.
Where is the horn ... it is time for
the hunt.
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HARUN RASHID is a scientist avidly
interested in the application of Islamic principles in international affairs.
The promotion of goodwill through civilisational dialogue motivates his
writing. His Worldview column is a personal analysis of Malaysian affairs
from a global perspective.
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